JAPAN TODAY NEWS WEBSITE COLUMNS 4-6
By Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle
Published Feb-Mar 2001

OTARU'S BATHHOUSE BLUES PART ONE
BACKGROUND: JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN HOT WATER

By Arudou Debito
Column Four for Japan Today

Imagine if you will a community, a seaport town, with thousands of sailors bringing in millions of US dollars of goods.

Imagine the win-win situation for the townies: cheap coldwater catch for an insatiable seafood market, and pocket money from selling used household goods and cars from Japan's gomi desert.

Imagine that some of these sailors, after spending a month or so out at sea in a rusting hulk, unable to take a hot bath or have a drink as a landlubber for the duration, cut loose in the community.

Imagine this happening in a place where cultural sensitivities are particularly acute.

Imagine this happening between two countries already in conflict: Russia and Japan (who, having never signed a peace treaty after WWII, are still technically at war).

Then imagine this Molotov Cocktail being mixed in a Hokkaido city named Otaru.

Otaru is a special place. Not only is it a charming port town with glorified canals, it also has an ironic personality: a "we are a pioneer Hokkaido community" insularity coupled with the progressive exigencies of tourism.

Otaru claims to like outsiders. As long as those outsiders are not Russian.

Many Hokkaido elders have a grudge against Russia. As settlers in lands gained from war spoils, some Dosanko remember losing their shirt in Karafuto (Sakhalin) and the Northern Territories in 1945, then sharing houses with Russian families under Stalinist resettlement policies, or even spending years in Russian concentration camps.

By postwar agreements, these people were eventually expelled from the USSR. Many expellees settled in Otaru because it had been the major seaport link to Karafuto.

Then came the Cold War. Even though Hokkaido is mere kilometers from Russia, for twoscore plus years there was scant contact across the straits, save shots fired at Japanese fishing boats.

But that was then. With the fall of the USSR impoverishing the Russian Far East, the tide has turned. More Russians are coming to Hokkaido seaports than ever before.

The trade is lively. On average about ten Russian ships dock a day at Wakkanai, Japan's northermost city. Road signs up there are in Cyrillic.

Otaru, however, gets only three ships a day, but this still means around 30,000 Russian visitors a year.

So, since former foes with an unsettled past are meeting in a seaport (which historically all over the world have been hotbaths, er, hotbeds for intercultural envelope-pushing), there always was potential for a flashpoint.

Cue the onsen bathhouses--where two very important Japanese values, hygiene and due relaxation, intersect.

According to reports that I have personally confirmed, some Russian sailors have been highly offensive.

Some have come in drunk, or vodka-ed up in the tub, then roared about disturbing the peace that generally reigns on the men's side of the bath (trust me). Some ignored requests to gain their quietus, putting managers in a difficult position of enforcement.

Some have gotten into the bath without washing their soap off, or while still wearing their underpants. Others persisted in jumping or swimming in the tub.

Some have apparently borne lice and fleas, and left smelly clothes in the locker room.

And some, being in the most transient of trades, have scared off other customers with their rough-and-ready demeanors.

Business suffered. I know of one Otaru sauna whose open-door policy watered the customer base down from regulars to Russians, ultimately leading to bankruptcy and flinty-eyed managers.

Around three years ago, those managers reopened a new family-oriented bathhouse named "Yunohana". From opening day it enforced a more discriminating policy towards its clientele.

I mean this literally. Once scalded, Yunohana decided to exclude all Russians from entry.

This decision holds water to some degree . However (and this is where we justify the Twilight-Zone theme), here we lurch into the bizarre.

Yunohana didn't just refuse Russians. "That would have been blatant discrimination" (rokotsu na sabetsu), their manager told me. "We can't tell the difference between Russians and other foreigners anyway."

So they decided to exclude all foreigners.

"JAPANESE ONLY" proclaimed their sign outside, in English, Russian and Japanese.

This means all non-Japanese, regardless of tenure of Japan residency, acculturation, language ability, and knowledge of Japanese bathing customs, are refused at the door.

But Yunohana was not the first. Eight years ago, another bathhouse, "Osupa", did the same. So did another place intermittently at Otaru's ferry terminal.

Emboldened, other industries adopted this policy. Otaru taxi drivers often do not stop for white people unless hailed from a train station. Some restaurants have reputedly put up Russian signs saying "Staff Only" at the doorway, seating foreigners at tables outside.

Then it spread to other cities. In Wakkanai, confirmed excluders included a sports shop and a barber. An officially-sanctioned public bath, "Yuransen", has a separate "gaijin buro" for foreigners only with its entrance around the corner (fine print: it's smaller and charges foreigners over six times more than the Japanese side).

In Monbetsu City, the Hamanasu bar district's local restaurateur association manufactured "JAPANESE-ONLY STORE" signs in Russian only. About half of its 200 members put them up, then refused service to even Cyrillic-illiterate Westerners.

And in Nemuro, Rumoi, and Ohtaki-Mura (a resort village so far up in the mountains it cannot claim Russian patronage), reports of foreign exclusions proliferated over the internet.

This is where we came in. In July 1999, some friends and I read that a Brazilian wife of a Japanese family went to Yunohana. Only she was excluded.

We realized this would not do. A mother not being able to bathe with her children? And what would happen to our international children when they grew up?

We saw the twilight of discrimatory zones a la the US South and South Africa.

Not in our Great White North. On September 19, 1999, we decided to do something about it.

More about that in my next column.

Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle
Sapporo, Japan
January 19, 2001

COLUMN FOUR ENDS




OTARU'S BATHHOUSE BLUES PART TWO:
BRIDGE OVER TROUBLED WATERS

By Arudou Debito
Column Five for Japan Today

"Sorry, but our policy is to refuse entry to foreigners." Thus spake Yunohana Onsen, a large family bathhouse in Otaru, Hokkaido.

Date: September 19, 1999. Four international families with Japanese children and friends, total seventeen people, had entered the premises to witness this managerial pronouncement.

"Why?", asked my friend Olaf, noting it was only us white people, not our Asian-looking families, who were stopped at the door.

The manager reiterated the reasons I told you in my last JT column: Russian sailors coming in, wreaking havoc, driving away the native Japanese customers and causing financial ruin. "But we can't tell you apart from Russians, so we have to refuse all foreigners."

"But you didn't refuse all foreigners." We pointed out a member of our group amongst our wives inside. "She's a Chinese, with her two Japanese children."

"Oh, sorry. Mrs Chinese, you'll have to leave." Having come without her husband, she took her toddlers back to the counter for a refund.

Said our party: "We understand you have a problem. But excluding innocents is not the solution. It is untenable. Today you clearly wound up excluding by race, not nationality."

"We apologize for the oversight."

"And what about our children?", asked my wife, pointing out our daughters--one looking very Asian, the other very Western. "They are both Japanese. What happens when they get older?"

Manager: "We will have no choice but to exclude the foreign-looking one."

With this, we understood the depth of the problem, left a message for the head manager to reconsider this policy, and quietly exited.

Thus began over a year of negotiations, both with a number of human rights groups and as individuals, lobbying various authorities and summoning community support.

First, we talked to the Otaru city and Hokkaido government assemblies, corresponded with the Otaru Mayor and Hokkaido Governor, consulted with the Ministry of Justice's Human Rights Division and members of the Japanese Parliament, and notified local consulates and sister cities.

We received predictable responses: Politicians: "This is a complicated issue." Diplomats: "We will keep an eye on this." Bureaucrats: "Japan has no law against racial discrimination, so we cannot stop a private-sector business doing this."

So we asked for a law, lobbying PMs to draft a white paper, and surveying each political party in last May's general election. Result: all parties surveyed agreed this exclusion was discrimination, but nobody would legislate it away.

So we tried to legislate at the local level, filing petitions in several cities both inside and outside Hokkaido for an anti-racial discrimination ordinance (jourei). Result: rejection or committee limbo, citing a lack of local support.

So we appealed locally. Appearing at university-sponsored fora and newspaper-sponsored debates, all sides--the city administrators, the non-Japanese, the onsens, and the consumers--made their cases. Although enlightening in their degrees of disagreement, the most conspicuous thing about the roundtables was onsen Yunohana's continuous refusal to participate.

There was some progress. One of the excluders, Onsen Panorama, opened its doors to all-comers in November 1999. Another, Osupa, instituted a members-only system for foreigners only from March 2000--an imperfect solution, to be sure, but a demonstration of a willingness to compromise.

Yunohana, however, rebuffed all attempts at negotiation--even turning down access to a city-sponsored "hotline" in case of customer problems. Yunohana took another ironic approach to communication: Instead of putting up city-provided signs in three languages explaining bathing rules, it hired interpreters to refuse foreigners in their own language.

Then came Oct 10, 2000. I received my Japanese citizenship (for reasons unrelated to this issue--see my first three JT columns). I went down to Yunohana with two other Otaru Japanese friends for a celebratory soak on Halloween night.

Guess what happened.

"Hey, take off your mask."

Okay, I guess this isn't the time for jokes. What really happened:

"Sorry, but our policy is to refuse entry to foreigners."

I showed my driver licence (which, in lieu of a Gaijin Card, now shows my honseki and proves my citizenship) and received acknowledgment from the manager that I am no longer a foreigner. However, he continued (in paraphrase):

"You still look like a foreigner. Letting you in might make our other customers, who dislike foreigners, stay away." (full audiotape transcript and recording of this discussion at http://www.debito.org/yunohanatranscript103100.html)

It was no longer a matter of nationality after all. It was clearly a matter of appearance, therefore, in my case, race.

Enough was enough. We had tried all other avenues--administrative, legislative, and popular appeal. Now it was time for judicial. As you might have seen in recent media, on February 1, 2001, Olaf, another friend and I filed a civil suit against not only Yunohana, for racial discrimination, but also the City of Otaru, for negligence under the UN Convention Against Racial Discrimination.

Why the City? More on that in my next column.

Arudou Debito, Plaintiff
Sapporo
February 5, 2001

ENDS




SUITS AND THE CITY
By Arudou Debito
Column Six for Japan Today

As I wrote in my previous column, two other plaintiffs and I are suing Otaru's Yunohana Onsen for racial discrimination. They kick out innocent foreigners and Japanese citizens in violation of Article 14 of our Constitution, they'll hear about it in court.

However, we are also suing the City of Otaru for, among other things, negligence under the the UN Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). Only the second case (the first due to discrimination at the Prefectural University of Kumamoto [LINK: http://www.kumagaku.ac.jp/teacher/~masden/mamorukai/english/Ehome.htm ] ) of the government being sued for this, this grabbed headlines.

Now, are we out of our heads? You can't fight City Hall, right? Especially in Japan, where our research [LINK: http://www.debito.org/PALEJournals.html ] indicates that the courts see themselves as defenders of the State. What kind of a case do we have?

Well, full details are up in English and Japanese here [LINK: http://www.debito.org/otarulawsuit.html ], but I will condense. Brace yourself for some legal arguments:

As I said last time, sixteen months of negotiating with the City was perpetually stymied by bureaucrats and politicians: "It's too early, too hasty, or just plain inappropriate to legislate this problem away," or "this requires a national law, not a local ordinance" when refusing to draft any protections.

In hindsight, this was fortunate. Instead of passing a toothless resolution (like Japan's Equal Employment Opportunities Law) with no punishments for offenders, having no domestic law against racial discrimination means international law applies, according to the 1999 Bortz Case [LINK: http://www.issho.org/BENCI/#anabortz ]. And the CERD [LINK: http://www.debito.org/intlconvention.html ] is a doozy.

Effected in Japan on January 14, 1996, the CERD defines its terms, outlines situations when discrimination might occur, and specifies what measures are to be taken in startlingly clear language. One of my favorite bits (you might think treaties are boring parchments, but the CERD is beautifully written) is within Article Two, which reads (my emphases):

"States Parties.. undertake to pursue by all appropriate means and WITHOUT DELAY a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms."

Ahem. Otaru has had "Japanese Only" signboarded onsens since 1994, and even when notified of the problem, the City took little action until the press coverage from September 1999. Delay is damning.

More treaty: "Each State Party undertakes ...to ensure that all public authorities and public institutions, NATIONAL AND LOCAL, shall act in conformity..."

This includes a city government.

"Each State Party shall prohibit and bring to an end, BY ALL APPROPRIATE MEANS, INCLUDING LEGISLATION AS REQUIRED BY CIRCUMSTANCES, racial discrimination by any persons, group or organization."

This is our case. When Otaru finally took action it was ineffectual, haphazard, and even as discriminatory as the onsens.

First, ineffectuality. The City established with great fanfare a "24 hotline" in case of problems. However, it was made available only to two onsens with a history of discrimination--not to the general public or other businesses where communication breakdowns might equally occur. Why? City reps told me, "We can't handle too many calls." Hence the anticipation of its own ineffectuality made for a Potemkin system.

Second, haphazardness. Otaru made up multilingual bathing rules--which the onsens simply refused to display. The City's response? "Oh well." The City then distributed pamphlets on bathing rules to portside sailors. One time, that is, in December 1999, and never again after that. And, according to Hokkaido Shinbun, they only printed up 4000 copies, far short of Otaru's 30,000 annual Russian visitors.

Third, discrimination. In two policy meetings with international groups that Otaru held in Autumn 1999, not a single foreigner was present--because they were refused entry, by City bureaucrats. A proposed third meeting including foreigners was cancelled. It is a mystery how an effective anti-discrimination policy can be created without consulting those discriminated against.

But the lack of "appropriate means" is makes clear that neither treaty nor entreaty worked. Aside from Otaru's unwillingness to establish legal measures, once press coverage died down in the summer of 2000, so did Otaru's efforts. The City had always refused to sponsor or hold any public fora on the issue, but a July 2000 proposal for a regular public roundtable on human rights was dead by August. Even after October, when a naturalized Caucasian Japanese citizen (guess who) was refused entry, there was no visible action taken.

All that the Otaru City government did, in the many correspondences I have seen and had with them, was cite the problem with the Russian sailors and claim the City is powerless to stop discrimination in private-sector businesses.

They are wrong. Again, under the CERD: "Article Six. ...States Parties undertake... to guarantee the right of everyone... [t]he right of access to any place or service intended for use by the general public, such as transport, hotels, restaurants, cafes, theatres and parks."

The day our lawsuit was filed, the Otaru mayor's response was: "I don't think we have made any legal mistakes." (doko ni mo houritsuteki na machigai wa nai to omou). He is right. There exist no laws to break.

But this is in itself a violation of the CERD. Passing anti-discrimination legislation "without delay" does not jibe well with Japan's inactive five years since ratification. This case will help clarify whether Japan will adhere to its treaty obligations, and is ready for its much-coveted seat on the UN Security Council.

We'll see you in court.

Arudou Debito
Sapporo
February 28, 2001

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Copyright 2002, Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle, Sapporo, Japan