Mainichi & Asahi: 40% of Japan’s local govts received complaints about their policies designed to help NJ Residents. This fits a history of coordinated efforts from Far-Right internet trolls nationwide to stymie conscientious public policy. Hence being the “Good Gaijin” will not help you assimilate in this political climate.

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(Original title of this blog post was, “Mainichi and Asahi: 40% of Japan’s local govts received coordinated complaints from Far-Right Internet Trolls nationwide, stymieing local-govt policies to help their NJ Residents. Hence being the “Good Gaijin” will not help you assimilate in this political climate.”  But that was a bit misleading, so amended; H/T to SB.)

Hi Blog.  I post these two articles because they offer evidence that becoming a part of Japanese society isn’t just a matter of being “Good Gaijin”, e.g., contributing and behaving until “your outward appearance causes no particular problems“.  These are good things to do, of course, but they are not a panacea, because the Netto Uyoku (Far-Right Internet Xenophobes and Trolls) in Japan are well-organized and will not accept NJ as Residents under any circumstances.

There is in fact a long history of the Netto Uyoku and helpful local government policies shot down one after another due to a storm of “complaints” like these (many of which aren’t even from local residents; see the Asahi article below the Mainichi in Japanese), as seen in this case study from 2013 about Tottori Prefecture passed, then UN-PASSED, a human rights ordinance.  This is how the structural barriers to NJ Residents remain, and will not be removed until governments stand up to racists and trolls like these.  Debito Arudou, Ph.D.

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40% of Japan local gov’ts received complaints over foreigner policies: Mainichi survey

December 19, 2025 (Mainichi Japan), courtesy of Mark Schreiber

Courtesy https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20251219/p2a/00m/0na/010000c

Japanese version below

Photo:  People raise signs opposing immigrants during a rally in Tokyo’s Shinjuku Ward on Nov. 30, 2025. (Mainichi)

FUKUOKA — There has been a spate of cases where local governments in Japan have been flooded with complaints over measures related to foreigners.

A Mainichi Shimbun survey covering 67 local bodies — 47 prefectural governments and 20 ordinance-designated cities — found that 40%, or 26 of 65 bodies responding to the survey, had instances of complaints, protests and opinions streaming in regarding foreigner policies over the past year. [emphasis added]

The survey specifically asked whether there were cases where complaints and other opinions were frequent, what triggered them and the number of those cases over a one-year period up to the end of September 2025. A total of 65 local governments, excluding the Tokyo Metropolitan Government and the Nara Prefectural Government, replied, with the response rate at 97%.

Of the 26 local bodies that reported experiencing a series of complaints, 15 received fewer than 100 calls or emails across 18 cases, 13 received 100 to fewer than 1,000 calls or emails across 18 cases, and three received 1,000 or more calls or emails across three cases.

The most significant case involved Miyagi Prefecture’s temporary consideration of developing burial grounds with Muslim residents in mind, which drew 2,470 calls and emails including those expressing concerns about the potential impact on water quality and soil.

Several local governments indicated that complaints were driven by unverified or false information on social media.

Of the 26 governments, 19 reported feeling burdened by handling complaints, with Miyagi Prefecture noting instances requiring 1 1/2 to 2 hours to respond and Shizuoka Prefecture revealing that staff were subjected to verbal abuse, causing them to feel scared of answering calls.

While most governments said there was no impact on their policies from a rush of baseless complaints, Shizuoka Prefecture noted increased caution in sending out information on multicultural coexistence policies to avoid complaints. Nara Prefecture, while admitting there were cases where complaints, protests and opinions flooded in, refrained from responding to the survey due to concerns about similar incidents arising from media coverage.

Among the 26 governments, more than 90%, or 24 local bodies, reported an increase in complaints compared to the previous year. As for the reasons, they cited a surge in foreign residents and extensive discussions on foreign nationals during the House of Councillors election in July.

Masami Wakayama, a professor of political science at Hokuriku Gakuin University, pointed out, “The concentration of burdens on local governments may cause them to feel intimidated, potentially reversing the trend toward multicultural coexistence.” He stated, “The current Liberal Democratic Party-led administration is extremely wary of introducing measures as ‘immigration policy’ due to concerns about alienating conservative voters. However, adapting to changing times and society is essential. As demands from residents to local governments increase, there is a growing need to enhance support systems for local bodies, including the development of laws to serve as a basis for their decision-making.”

(Japanese original by Keisuke Muneoka and Mayuka Ikeda, Kyushu News Department)

/////////////////////////////////////////////

外国人施策などへの苦情、自治体の4割に 「電話怖くなった」職員も
社会
毎日新聞 2025/12/19 07:00(最終更新 12/19 07:49)
https://mainichi.jp/articles/20251217/k00/00m/040/345000c

フォート:移民に反対するプラカードを掲げる人たち=東京都新宿区で2025年11月30日午後2時45分

外国人に関わる施策などを巡り、自治体に苦情が殺到するケースが相次いでいる。毎日新聞が過去1年間に苦情や抗議、意見が相次いだ事例の有無について都道府県と政令市の計67自治体に取材したところ、回答した65自治体のうち4割にあたる26自治体が「あった」と答えた。

2025年9月末までの1年間で、苦情が相次いだ事例の有無やきっかけ、件数などを聞き、東京都と奈良県を除く65自治体が回答した(回答率97%)。

苦情などが相次いだ経験があったと答えた26自治体に寄せられた電話やメールの件数は、100件未満が15自治体18事例▽100件以上1000件未満が13自治体18事例▽1000件以上が3自治体3事例――だった。

最も多かったのは、宮城県が整備を一時検討していた、イスラム教徒らの利用を念頭に置いた土葬墓地に関する事例で、「水質や土壌への影響が不安」などといった電話やメールが2470件程度寄せられた。

在留外国人数の推移
26自治体中19自治体が苦情対応の負担が「あった」と回答。「1時間半から2時間に及ぶ対応を迫られる事例が複数」(宮城県)「(職員が)一方的に暴言を受け、電話に出るのが怖くなった」(静岡県)と明かした。

多くの自治体が根拠のない苦情が殺到することによる施策への影響は「なかった」と回答したが、静岡県は「多文化共生施策に関する情報発信で、苦情を受けないよう配慮をするようになった」と答えた。奈良県は「苦情や抗議、意見が相次いだ事例はあったが、記事で同様の事案が発生することを懸念」と回答を控えた。

苦情が相次いだ26自治体のうち、前年に比べ苦情が「増えた」と答えたのは9割超の24自治体。在留外国人が急増していることや、7月の参院選で外国人に関する議論が多く交わされたことを理由に挙げた。

北陸学院大の若山将実教授(政治学)は「自治体に負担が集中することで萎縮し多文化共生の流れが後退する恐れもある」と指摘。「現在の自民党中心政権では保守層を意識し『移民政策』として施策を打ち出すことを極度に恐れる側面があるが、時代と社会の変化への対応は不可欠だ。住民からの自治体への要望が増えるなか、判断のよりどころとなる法律の整備など自治体の支援体制の拡充が一層求められる」と話す。【宗岡敬介、池田真由香】

==================================

Miyagi halts Muslim burial site plan amid pushback
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
September 19, 2025 at 18:49 JST, courtesy of Niklas
https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/16039254

SENDAI—Miyagi Governor Yoshihiro Murai abruptly scrapped a plan to build burial sites for Muslims on Sept. 18, citing unanimous oppositiion from local mayors–just weeks ahead of the gubernatorial election.

His announcement came during a general session of the prefectural assemby that day, when Murai responded to a question from a member who asked, “Wouldn’t it be appropriate to cancel the plan to avoid further confusion, given the lack of support?”

The proposal, which had been under consideration since late last year, sought to accommodate religious burial practices for foreign workers—but faced strong public opposition and political resistance.

Murai revealed that between Sept. 13 and 17, he had called every mayor in the prefecture to confirm their position.

“All of them said they could not accept the plan, even if the prefecture formally proposed it,” he said.

Under Japan’s cemetery and burial law and prefectural ordinances, new cemeteries require approval from local municipalities.

With no prospect of gaining consent from mayors—the final decision-makers—Murai said, “The situation is extremely difficult, and I have decided to withdraw the plan entirely.”

Just days earlier, on Sept. 12, the governor had responded to a similar question by saying the plan was still in the research phase and undecided. However, that exchange prompted him to seek clarity from local leaders, he said.

Speaking to reporters after the withdrawal announcement, Murai said, “I’ve been struggling with this for quite some time. I concluded that continuing the discussion would only increase anxiety among residents.”

ORIGINS OF THE PLAN

The idea to build burial sites for Muslims emerged as part of Miyagi Prefecture’s efforts to attract foreign workers, particularly from Islamic countries such as Indonesia.

Due to religious beliefs, Muslims cannot be cremated, but Japan has only about 10 cemeteries nationwide that allow burials.

In 2023, the prefectural government signed a memorandum with the Indonesian government to accept more technical interns and skilled workers.

Anticipating a rise in long-term residents, Murai had identified the need to “create a supportive living environment,” including burial options, as a key policy goal.

In October last year, Murai told the prefectural assembly that he wanted to explore building burial sites for Muslims and others who, for religious reasons, do not wish to be cremated. Prefectural staff began visiting existing burial sites outside the prefecture to gather information.

Although Japan does not legally prohibit burials, many municipalities effectively ban them through local ordinances.

In Miyagi, Muslim residents had previously consulted municipal governments about building burial sites, but conditions such as “no impact on the surrounding environment” and “consent from nearby residents” proved difficult to meet.

As a result, families often had to transport bodies to distant burial sites or repatriate them to their home countries.

PUBLIC BACKLASH

When media reported in late December that Murai was considering building burial sites, the prefectural office was flooded with calls and emails expressing concern and opposition.

Comments included, “Is this going to move forward without public input?” “I’m worried about damage to the reputation of local products and environmental impact,” and “I’m uneasy about the increase in foreign residents.”

The prefecture has received more than 2,000 emails and phone calls to date. Approximately half of these reportedly came from outside the prefecture. [emphasis added]

Despite the backlash, Murai initially stood firm. He said the plan was based on requests from Muslim residents and argued, “If we talk about multicultural coexistence, but ignore (burial) needs, that’s a failure of governance. Even if criticized, we must move forward.”

In March, Murai condemned discriminatory social media posts targeting Muslims and reiterated his commitment to the burial site plan.

“Japan originally had a burial culture. Christianity is also based on burial. Even the imperial family used to be buried,” he said.

He emphasized that the issue affected not only foreign residents but also Japanese converts to Islam.

Murai also downplayed environmental concerns: “Wild animals return to the soil naturally. Saying burial causes pollution is an exaggeration.”

Acknowledging the negative reactions, he said, “I’ve received online pushback, but I believe this is necessary.”

ELECTION PRESSURE

The sudden reversal has sparked speculation that Murai’s decision was politically motivated. He is currently serving his fifth term and plans to run for a sixth. Official campaigning will kick off on Oct. 9 and voting is scheduled for Oct. 26.

While the burial site plan was never part of his official campaign platform, some candidates voiced opposition, saying it could lead to increased immigration and should not be led by the prefecture.

Even within the Liberal Democratic Party faction supporting Murai in the gubernatorial election, many members expressed negative views toward the plan.

Murai insisted, “I didn’t withdraw the plan because of the election.”

However, opposition lawmakers say the timing suggests a political calculation.

“He probably realized he couldn’t go into the election with this controversy swirling,” said an opposition assembly member. “Murai isn’t the type to give up after a single phone call. He may have been looking for the right moment to pull back.

COMMUNITY REACTION

“It made me happy that (the prefecture) didn’t just see foreigners as laborers, but actually considered their lives,” said Noboru Sato, 83, a Muslim and representative of the Islamic Cultural Center of Sendai (ICCS). “That’s why this is so disappointing.”

According to Sato, who has led the organization for nearly four decades, the Muslim populations in the prefecture–once made up primarily of international students–now includes workers in the automotive and construction industries, reflecting both steady growth and increasing diversity.

There are only about 10 burial cemeteries in Japan, and none in the Tohoku region. Sato said that many Muslims wish to be buried in their hometowns, but currently must travel to the Kanto or Chubu regions, which is costly and complicated.

Sato and other Muslims had written letters to the governor requesting burial sites.

“Many people aren’t familiar with Muslim culture. Forcing the plan through amid so much criticism wouldn’t be right. I suppose it can’t be helped,” Sato said.

Muhammad Usama, 29, a Pakistani staff member at ICCS, said he understands that the Islamic burial rules may appear to Japanese as a “unique culture.“

At the same time, he added, “Day by day, Japanese people accept Islam” and “understand our religion.”

Sato agreed, saying, “We must continue working to eliminate misunderstandings and prejudice.”

(This article was compiled from reports by Ryo Oyama, Ikuko Abe and Yosuke Fukudome.)

Related News

Miyagi to secure cemetery to put workers from Indonesia at ease
December 22, 2024

Muslims living in Japan face difficulties burying the dead
May 11, 2022
ENDS
======================
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My SNA Visible Minorities column 71: “Karen Hill Anton’s Willful Ignorance of History” (Dec 1, 2025), on how a self-declared spokesperson on behalf of Japan’s Visible Minorities is hurting them by deliberately ignoring info counter to her narrative

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Karen Hill Anton’s willful ignorance of history

A prominent spokesperson within Japan’s foreign community won’t admit racism happens in Japan unless it rises to the level of racism in America.  That’s bad science.

By Debito Arudou.  Courtesy Shingetsu News Agency, December 1, 2025.  Text with links to sources follows under SNA link.

Visible Minorities: Karen Hill Anton’s Willful Ignorance of History

The original fount for this essay with extra links to sources archived at Debito.org here.

If you haven’t heard of Karen Hill Anton, she is well known as commentator on life in Japan.  Living in Japan’s countryside since 1975 with an American husband and raising several interracial children, Anton has written and spoken widely on cross-cultural communication, her most famous work being the award-winning memoir “The View from Breast Pocket Mountain” (2020).

Anton’s accomplishments are impressive.  Her LinkedIn lists diversity training consultancies at corporations such as Shinsei Bank, Corning Japan, Eli Lilly, and Citigroup.  A Freeman Foundation Fellow and Plenary Speaker at JALT 2022, Anton has also been a member of the Jun Ashida Educational Foundation, the Shizuoka Human Rights Association, and the Board of Overseers at Temple University, Japan.  Her gigs include 14 years writing the “Crossing Cultures” column for the Japan Times, and another 15 writing the “Another Look” column for the Chunichi Shimbun. 

She has even advised the highest levels of the Japanese government, serving on the Internationalization in Education and Society Advisory Councils of Prime Ministers Obuchi and Hashimoto. 

I respect this mightily, and said so when I met her at her home in 2024.  But I’ve recently discovered her time-honored platform willfully ignores, minimizes, or outright dismisses the experiences of other Non-Japanese (NJ) Residents.  That’s what this column is about.

A FLAWED METHODOLOGY TOWARDS RACISM IN JAPAN

In a recent Substack essay, “What Racism is – and isn’t – in Japan” (November 12), she offered herself as an example of a “visible minority,” citing her experiences dealing with people as an African-American woman in Japan. 

Despite the essay’s title, Anton notes that Japan does distinguish between people based upon their physical appearance, such as a Japanese shopkeeper who grabbed her dreadlocks and asked if they were real.  But for Anton, in Japan it’s more a matter of stupidity, rudeness, or poor behavior in individual interactions, not racism.  Defining racism as a systemic, institutionally enforced exclusion from social, educational, or economic participation (as opposed to modern definitions involving the process of differentiation, “othering,” and subordination), Anton concludes that racism is not present in Japan like in the United States. 

This sounds plausible until it becomes clear she is working backwards from a conclusion.  She claims, “Any foreign child can go to any public school anywhere in Japan.” 

That’s manifestly untrue.  As reported on Debito.org and in Japanese media for decades, foreign children have been denied entry to Japanese schools.  Even Visible Minorities, e.g., international children with Japanese citizenship, get bullied out of the system, as they are a frequent target of Japan’s self-appointed “hair police”—school officials who force children to cut, straighten, or dye their hair or be suspended.  That’s why there are ethnic schools in Japan—so these children can somehow get an education.

How can this happen?  Because, even using Anton’s definition, of something systemic and institutionally enforced:  Japan’s Fundamental Law on Education (Kyouiku Kihon Hou) only guarantees primary and secondary education to citizens (kokumin), and has expressly been cited by authorities to deny foreign children entry

This is should not be news to Anton, since there is, for example, an underclass of now-grown undereducated South American workers less than an hour’s local train ride from her.

Regardless, Anton narrates a story about her fourth-grade daughter dealing with a classmate who “said something mean” to her.  In Anton’s telling, all it took was her husband reporting it to the principal and the very next day the boy’s mother visited the Anton household offering cakes, a flower bouquet, and an apologetic son.  Anton concluded, “As far as I was concerned, the matter was finished.  There was no victim here.” 

Good that all was resolved so well, what with the school administration and the classmate’s parents being so cooperative, and that scars from the experience did not seem to linger in Karen’s child.  But this experience is hardly universal.  Debito.org has catalogued many cases where the parents of Visible Minorities weren’t so lucky in their experiences either administratively or interpersonally.  Some have even resulted in lawsuits with damages awarded, or in suicides.  This is all available with a quick Google search, but those facts would spoil Anton’s story.

Anton instead places the onus on NJ Residents to avoid being treated this way:  “In the places I’ve called home in Japan, if you follow the rules for putting out your garbage, and participate in community obligations like cutting roadside weeds, it could be said your outward appearance causes no particular problems.”

This is reasonable advice, but not a panacea.  It also “could be said” there are systemic barriers (such as “Japanese Only” signs and establishmentslegally exclusionary government policies, and even bullying Neighborhood Associations) to Visible Minorities, harassed and excluded no matter how much effort they put into community effort and assimilation.  Plenty of journalistic and government surveys evidence the effects of this.  

But the biggest flaw in Anton’s essay is her constant minimizing of discrimination in Japan by comparing it to Jim Crow America of the 1950s.  

A commenter to Debito.org responded best:  

“As a black European in Japan, this habit of American activists to hold racism in the US up as some kind of yardstick is frustrating to say the least. ‘Bad things that happened in the US don’t happen here, therefore there’s no problem,’ is a terrible method of evaluation, not least because the conversation is supposed to be about issues in Japan, no need to drag a different country into it.  I’m not the only one whose daily life is a series of frustration and (mostly small) humiliations caused by Japan’s ethnocentrism and resulting racism.  ‘At least you’re not getting lynched’ offers no reassurance, it’s only a bizarre way to shift the focus of the conversation to a different, unrelated, topic.  It’s like telling a homeless person that they should be glad that at least they’re not terminally ill.  Not helpful.”

A WILLFUL IGNORANCE OF HISTORY

What spurred me to write this column was the essay’s conclusion, where Anton discounts a famous 1999 lawsuit by a Brazilian journalist named Ana Bortz.  Refused entry into a jewelry store in nearby Hamamatsu, Bortz won in Shizuoka District Court on the grounds of “racial discrimination” (jinshu sabetsu).  It was the first court decision acknowledging that discrimination in Japan is in fact racial.

Anton’s take? 

ANTON:  “The woman, who filed a discrimination lawsuit, and won—as well she should have—was described by a foreign journalist as ‘the Rosa Parks of Japan.’ Rosa Parks?  Surely not the same Mrs. Rosa Parks, revered by Americans and people of conscience worldwide, for her courage and principled stance in literally sitting down while standing up to injustice.  She succeeded in galvanizing a nation in challenging hundreds of years of oppression and institutionalized racism, protected by law, in the most powerful country on earth.  That Rosa Parks?  I don’t think so.”  

That was the last sentence Anton’s of essay:  A straw-man argument that because some lazy journalist compared Bortz to Parks, it’s somehow… not racism… enough? 

Two issues:  One, I worked with Ana Bortz, and she never compared herself to Parks.  Two, Anton here commits an egregious sin of omission.  She neglected to mention the subsequent Otaru “Japanese Only” Public Baths Case, which my friends and I took all the way to Japan’s Supreme Court, and where lower courts unanimously upheld the Ana Bortz precedent.  

Or the subsequent Steve McGowan Case, where an African and African-American were refused entry to an eyeglass shop, and we caught the manager on tape expressly saying he refused Steve because he is black and he personally hates black people.  

Or the Yener Case.  Or the Aigi Golf Club Case.  Or the umpteen other lawsuits, many successful, regarding racial discrimination.  This is disrespectful to the people who toiled for years at great personal cost to fight discrimination.

THE DAMAGE DONE

I blogged a paragraph-by-paragraph critique of Anton’s essay at Debito.org and notified her via her Substack comments.  She responded to say, “Anyone who wants to take me down, scold me, disagree with my experience, perspective, and opinion, is free to.”  Hours later she deleted my comment.  When I followed up to ask why, she wrote, “I do not want to clutter my site.” 

When counterarguments are treated as “clutter,” it’s clear that what’s going on here is a willful ignorance of history on a complex topic. 

But given her prominent position, Anton’s antics are hurting people. 

Another person texted me to say,

“Thank you for calling Karen Anton Hill out.  I felt the same after her plenary at JALT a few years ago…  The few people I have mentioned this to have not liked me pointing this out about her work.  As a darker skinned minority whose kids were brutally bullied, who has experienced real racism, her platform and narrative allows real concerns to be dismissed.  Good luck though, she is great at ingratiating herself… and is great at self-promotion.  I have learned that I can’t overtly criticize her.”

So I will, with this SNA column.  It’s about time.

But why me?  Because this denialism goes against all our work.  Let me establish some credibility here:

I know about racial discrimination in Japan, particularly towards Japan’s Visible Minorities, to the point where I was awarded a PhD on it in 2014 from Meiji Gakuin University.  My doctoral dissertation became monograph Embedded Racism:  Japan’s Visible Minorities and Racial Discrimination (Lexington Books, 2015, 2nd Ed. 2022).  My other books include “Japanese Only”:  The Otaru Hot Springs Case and Racial Discrimination (Akashi Shoten, Inc: English and Japanese 2004, updated 2006 and 2013), and Handbook for Newcomers, Migrants, Immigrants and Immigrants to Japan (coauthored with Akira Higuchi; Akashi Shoten 2008, updated 2012).  

I have also maintained Debito.org, an active archive of human rights issues in Japan, since 1995, offering more than thirty years of research and historical record.  This includes 15 years of direct fieldwork cataloging “Japanese Only” signs and rules on businesses nationwide in Japan.  

My point is this isn’t just my personal experience; I speak with peer-reviewed authority on this subject.  That’s why Anton’s column is such a shock—it overwrites a history that people like me have curated over decades to combat the natural revisionism of time. 

Granted, we could merely put it down to the shortcomings of a memoirist’s methodology—in other words, “If it didn’t happen to me, it’s not part of my life memoir.”  But the blind spot in this methodology is that it dismisses other people’s cases.  How many times have you heard naysayers argue something like, “I personally haven’t seen it, so did it really happen?  It’s not the Japan I know.”

But there’s ignorance, and then there’s willful ignorance.  Even when I presented facts and a historical record counter to her narrative, Anton refused to address any of them.  Her retort: “I do not want to engage with you.”

She can, of course, disagree with the case as I presented it, or offer other facts to counter mine.  Instead, she chose to just delete it and not engage. 

Karen is entitled to her worldview, of course.  But if she’s speaking on how to live life in Japan as a self-described “visible minority” advising Japan’s corporate world on issues of diversity and inclusion, even meeting policymakers at the highest levels of Japan’s government, she needs to get it right.  She’s not.  Instead she promotes a dangerous denialism of how NJ and Visible Minorities experience Japanese society.

DENIALISM AS A MARKETING GIMMICK

When I followed up some more, Anton did respond briefly to say, “I do not hold myself ‘as a template about how to live in Japan’ or anything else.  That’s your interpretation.  I write about my experience.  I do not seek agreement.  Ever.”

Yet in public press releases, she has been marketed not only as an “author, columnist, and consultant,” but also as “a model of successful cultural adaptation,” “lecturing widely” as a “bridge between cultures.” 

That’s what makes Anton’s schtick a business. 

Her whole mindset of, “Just get out there and contribute more to your communities and your skin color won’t matter,” is more gimmick than fact. 

But it sells well.

A Japanese policymaker will especially like hearing it’s the foreigners’ fault they aren’t trying hard enough to be accepted.  It’s a lot easier than calling for the government to legally guarantee equal treatment and access, or for the dismantling of systems that perpetually differentiate, “other,” and subordinate minorities. 

And it’s especially appealing when, even in the clearest cases of discrimination in Japan, a long-term foreigner dismisses them because it’s not like America.  Even if this process excuses racism here because it’s worse over there.

It’s classic “whataboutism.”  But it works.  It’s gotten Anton a seat the table at even the highest levels of government.

It’s also one reason why it’s been difficult to get “Newcomer” Visible Minorities to unite and speak with one voice in the form of, for example, domestic anti-defamation leagues.  (The “Oldcomer” ethnic Koreans and Chinese do it much better.)  Because spokespeople within the minorities’ own ranks undermine any potential social movement and self-disempower—by saying all we have to do is cooperate and behave.  After all, it worked for these spokespeople.  They made a life out of it.

For those who think I’m unduly picking on Karen Hill Anton, let the record show I have similarly called out others who pander:  Kyoto Seika University President Oussouby Sacko, who similarly denies there is racism in Japan by dumbfoundingly claiming he is treated differently in Japan not because he is black, but because he does not “look Japanese.”  Or Japan Times columnist Gregory Clark, who has profiteered mightily from selling Japan’s uniqueness myths in his nationwide speaking tours. 

Or journalist Henry Scott-Stokes, who staved off late-life penury by putting his name to books ghostwritten by Japan’s far right denying Japan’s wartime atrocities.  Or Tony Laszlo, protagonist of the bestselling “My Darling is a Foreigner” manga series, who completely deleted the online history of our pre-Debito.org activist organization, Issho.org, before it had an impact on his wife’s book sales.  I’ve even criticized sacred cows like famed translator Donald Keene, who, on the day of his naturalization into Japan, denigrated NJ residents during a press conference by joking he, unlike them, was not a criminal. 

There are lots of people like this in Japan:  Ideologues proffering snake-oil narratives that are popular and profitable.  Pandering pays.  Why wait for Japanese society to toss you a few crumbs from the table?  Say what people want to hear and they’ll even give you a seat at it.

THE PLIGHT OF THE COLUMNIST:  TO PANDER OR NOT TO PANDER?

One more point:  Like Anton, I too have been a columnist for 40 years, including 17 years at the Japan Times, eleven years under the “Just Be Cause” byline.  I understand that having a clear and consistent perspective sustains an audience. 

But over time the question becomes:  How do you keep that audience as you age?  Do you continue with the topics that attracted your audience in the first place?  Or do you pursue new avenues of inquiry and hope your readers follow? 

Either way, you should be open to learning new information, or you’ll just have stale columns running on retreads.  But as you absorb new things and get new data, you should be intellectually honest enough to change your mind.

Old stale columnists can fall into a trap of relying on personal experience as a source in itself.  After all, the province of the elderly is the sanctity of their memory.  Your past is yours to recall and portray.  In your own mind, nobody can assail your impressions of what happened to you.  Only you witnessed it all. 

And memoirists by definition make this their methodology.  But you still have to be responsible with your platform, especially if you’re going to talk about a subject as complicated as racism.  Be aware of your own limitations.  How you’re remembering things.  How you’re gathering information.  How you’re interpreting the world. 

Stories not grounded in history and social science are merely extended anecdotes.  A sample size of one.

Yes, memoirists are entitled to their own world.  It’s their memoir, after all.  But I have a problem when they go outside their world and try to overwrite history (especially one I’ve painstakingly curated) as a marketing gimmick.  When they minimize, ignore, deny, or even delete facts and cases because they don’t fit their narrative, that’s not just dogmatism.  That’s dishonesty.  And when it’s hurting people, it needs to be called out.

Look at the big picture here:  Denialism may be Karen Hill Anton’s survival strategy in Japan, but it’s not going to help Japan’s Visible Minorities, the very group she claims to speak for. 

Remember that Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi recently rose to power in part by blatantly lying about foreigners kicking park animals.  Now watch as Cabinet minister Kimi Onoda (who herself was a dual citizen of Japan and America until she too was called out) finds new ways to scapegoat NJ Residents for Japan’s ills. 

All this pandering by NJ spokespeople will mean little in the end. The powers-that-be will still treat you as second-class citizens and residents no matter how hard you try to assimilate. 

The onus is not on NJ to scrape for acceptance.  The onus is on Japanese society and legal structures to treat all of its legal residents, regardless of citizenship, as human beings with equal rights.

Karen Hill Anton’s methodology doesn’t lend itself to pushing for that.  It’s certainly been an effective survival strategy for her, as she’s accomplished a lot for herself.  But it should be seen for what it always has been:  An isolated sample size of one.  Not a template.  And as she keeps on keeping on, vigilance:  She should not be permitted to minimize, ignore, dismiss, or overwrite the history of other NJ in Japan.

ENDS

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